Showing posts with label LSD. Show all posts
Showing posts with label LSD. Show all posts

Tuesday, 11 August 2009

Hallucinogenic Drugs in Psychiatric Research and Treatment:Perspectives and Prospects




Hallucinogenic Drugs in Psychiatric Research and Treatment:
Perspectives and Prospects
Rick J. Strassman, M.D.
The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, Vol. 183, No. 3, pp. 127-138.
©1995 Williams & Wilkins


Clinical research with hallucinogens has resumed after a generation's hiatus. To place these new studies in context, this article reviews the history of hallucinogens' use and abuse, discusses their pharmacological properties, and highlights previous human studies. Research with Iysergic acid diethylamide and related hallucinogens with thousands of patients and control subjects was associated with acceptable safety when subjects were carefully screened, supervised, and followed up. Data were generated regarding hallucinogens' psychopharmacology, overlap with endogenous psychoses, and psychotherapeutic efficacy. Current American and European studies emphasize systematic psychopharmacology, in addition to psychotherapy protocols. Human hallucinogen research will help define unique mind-brain interfaces, and provide mechanistic hypotheses and treatment options for psychiatric disorders. It is critical that human hallucinogen research in the l990s make use of state of the art methodologies, or consensually define when modifications are required. Training and supervisory issues also must be explicitly addressed.

Hallucinogenic substances found in fungi, plants, and animals have been used on all continents, and in a wide variety of cultures, both highly advanced and preliterate (Dobkin de Rios, 1984). Mescaline, from the peyote cactus, has been used in clinical research protocols from the 1890s to the present (Mitchell, 1896). The thousand-times more potent effects of LSD-25 were discovered in 1943 by Albert Hofmann, 5 years after its synthesis (Stoll, 1947). The beginning of modern "biological psychiatry" can be said to have started as much with the appreciation of LSD's "psychotogenic" effects as the contemporaneous discovery of the one-thousandth as potent "antipsychotic" effects of chlorpromazine.
The study of hallucinogenic drugs in humans was, and remains, important for several reasons. First, they elicit a multifaceted clinical syndrome, affecting many of the functions that characterize the human mind, including affect, cognition, volition, interoception, and perception. Characterizing hallucinogens' properties will enhance understanding of important mind-brain relationships, particularly relevant in this, the Decade of the Brain. Second, naturally occurring psychotic syndromes share features with those elicited by these drugs. Understanding effects and mechanisms of action of hallucinogens may provide novel insights and treatments into endogenous psychoses. Third, increasing use and abuse of hallucinogens over the last several years, particularly LSD, by young adults may produce a similar spate of adverse psychiatric sequelae seen with the first wave of their illicit use in the 1960s. Treatment of these adverse effects consume scarce public resources and safe, selective, and efficacious treatments of acute and chronic negative effects of these drugs are needed. Finally, the enhancement of the psychotherapeutic process, sometimes in treatment refractory patients, reported by early studies, has relevance to current emphasis on time-limited psychotherapeutic interventions.


Nomenclature
Many terms have been used to describe the effects of these drugs, including psychedelic (mind manifesting), psychodysleptic (disturbing the mind), phantasticant, psychotogen, oneirogen (producing dreams), entheogen (generating religious experience), phanerothyme (making feelings visible), psychotomimetic, and schizotoxin (Grinspoon and Bakalar, 1979; Stafford, 1992). Psychedelic represents the nonmedical, recreational, and illicit use of these drugs, while hallucinogen refers to these compounds within a medical-legal context.
The "classical" hallucinogens belong to several chemical families: phenethylamines (e.g., mescaline), indolealklyamines (e.g., psilocybin and N,N-dimethyltryptamine [DMT]), and lysergamides (e.g., LSD and morning glory seeds) (Nichols et al., 1991). 3,4-Methylene-dioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) ("X," "XTC") is a methoxylated amphetamine (phenethylamine), and produces effects that overlap those of classical compounds (Lister et al., 1992). Low doses of the dissociative anesthetics, phencyclidine and ketamine (Siegel, 1978), and antimuscarinic agents (Ketchum et al., 1973) also share subjective properties with the hallucinogens. However, hallucinogens do not produce anesthesia at high doses, as do the former compounds, nor is there a clouding of consciousness at "psychedelic" doses, as with the latter.
A clinically useful manner of representing hallucinogens refers to their temporal properties: onset, peak effect, and duration of action. An "ultra-short-acting" drug's onset is less than 1 minute, peak effects occur within 5 minutes, and duration is 30 minutes or less. Intravenous DMT is an example (Strassman et al., 1994). A "short-acting" hallucinogen's onset is between 5 and 15 minutes, peak effects are within 15 to 60 minutes, and duration is 1 to 2 hours (e.g., intramuscular N,N-diethyltryptamine; Faillace et al., 1967). "Intermediate-acting" hallucinogens include the orally active tryptamine psilocybin (Rinkel et al., 1960). Onset is within 15 to 30 minutes, peak effects are at 1 to 3 hours, with duration up to 6 hours. "Long-acting" hallucinogens include oral LSD and mescaline (Hoch et al., 1952), with onset at 30 to 90 minutes, peak effects at 3 to 5 hours, and duration of 8 to 12 hours. "Ultra-long-acting" compounds include the poorly characterized African plant drug ibogaine (Fernandez, 1982). Duration of action may last 18 to 24 hours.


Prevalence of Use
Hallucinogen use in the United States remained relatively constant from the late 1960s to the late 1980s (Pope et al., 1990). However, data from the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) show an increase in any LSD use by high school seniors "within the last 12 months" from 4.8% to 5.6% from 1988 to 1992. While the magnitude of this rise is slight, it stands in contrast to the abuse of other drugs. For example, the proportion of seniors who had used any cocaine dropped from 7.9% to 3.1% during the same period (Johnston et al., 1993). Thus, the proportion of respondents who reported any use of LSD was almost twice as high as the proportion reporting any cocaine use by high school seniors in 1992. The 1990 NIDA statistics reveal that lifetime prevalence rates for hallucinogens were about the same as those for cocaine, and 7 to 8 times higher than for heroin. LSD ranked first in the categories of "most intense" and "longest" high among respondents. Between 13 and 17 million individuals in this country have used a hallucinogen at least once (NIDA, 1991).


Legal Status
Hallucinogens reside in Schedule I of the Controlled Substances Act of 1970, which is reserved for drugs with "high abuse potential," "lack of established safety even under medical supervision," and "no known use in medical treatment" (Anonymous, 1970). Compounds with "substantially similar" structure or function also are Schedule I drugs, as a result of the passage of the Controlled Substances Analog Bill of 1986 (Anonymous, 1986).
The use of mescaline-containing peyote by the Native American Church has been debated for nearly a century (La Barre, 1989). Native American Church members may possess and ingest peyote in several states, and non-Native Americans may use it in Church ceremonies in some. In response to increasing judicial restrictions on peyote use, the Religious Freedom Restoration Act became law in 1993 (Anonymous, 1993). Interpretation of this law with respect to hallucinogenic "sacraments" by traditional non-Western (Rivier and Lindgren, 1972) and other "neo-religious" groups will be of interest.


Basic Neuropharmacology
The nearly simultaneous discoveries of serotonin (5HT) and LSD undoubtedly have had an impact on the preeminent role of this neurotransmitter in explicating hallucinogens' effects and mechanisms of action. Noradrenergic (Horita and Hamilton, 1969), dopaminergic (Ahn and Makman, 1979), and cholinergic (Cervoni et al., 1963) systems have also been investigated, but have received less attention.
Gaddum and Hameed (1954) and Woolley and Shaw (1954) first suggested that LSD antagonized the effects of 5-HT in lower animals. Soon thereafter, Freedman (1961) showed that LSD decreased particulate binding of 5-HT in the axon, raising brain levels of 5-HT and lowering those of its metabolite 5-hydroxyindoleacetic acid. 5-HT mechanisms have been demonstrated for electrophysiological (Aghajanian et al., 1968), pharmacological (Conn and Sanders-Bush, 1986), and behavioral (Glennon et al., 1985) effects of hallucinogens.
The animal model of "hallucinogenesis" most used is drug discrimination, wherein animals are trained to distinguish between a hallucinogen, usually LSD, and saline. Animal responses to a test drug as if it were LSD suggest that the "interoceptive" or "discriminative" cue is similar to LSD's (Glennon et al., 1983). However, several nonhallucinogens are LSD-like in this model, such as quipazine (Cunningham and Appel, 1987) and lisuride (Nielson, 1985), while psilocybin is not (Koerner and Appel, 1983), which emphasizes the need for human studies.
Hallucinogens were important in stimulating the burgeoning field of 5-HT receptor subtypes (Peroutka and Snyder, 1979). Current data emphasize effects upon the 5-HTlA and 5-HT2A,C subtypes (Glennon et al., 1985; Spencer et al., 1987), alone or in combination (Arnt and Hyttel, 1989).
Tolerance (Freedman et al., 1958) and cross-tolerance (Appel and Freedman, 1968) to behavioral effects of hallucinogens is seen rapidly, and is accompanied by downregulation of 5-HT2 sites (McKenna et al., 1989).


Human Psychopharmacology
Measurement of Hallucinogen Effects in Humans
Initial human studies with hallucinogens relied upon careful clinical observation, using psychoanalytic (Savage, 1952) or behavioral (Cheek and Holstein, 1971) perspectives, in normal subjects (Snyder et al., 1967) and psychiatric patients (Hoch et al., 1952). In addition, hallucinogen effects on previously validated psychological scales, such as the MMPI (Belleville, 1956), assessed change scores within individuals and allowed comparisons between hallucinogen-induced syndromes in normal subjects with other well-characterized psychopathological states.
Three rating scales were developed specifically for LSD effects in the 1960s. "Normative" data for all three scales were generated from effects in unexperienced hallucinogen users who were not told what the effects of LSD might be, making the data difficult to interpret, particularly when an attempt is made to determine their reinforcing properties in those who use them recreationally.
The Abramson et al. (1955) scale emphasized somatic, cognitive, and perceptual effects of LSD, while the Linton-Langs scale (Linton and Langs, 1962) assessed effects predicated on a psychoanalytic theory of consciousness. The Addiction Research Center Inventory (Haertzen et al.,1963), the standard rating scale for assessing effects of drugs of abuse, used LSD as one of several mind-altering compounds. Its LSD scale is known as the dysphoria scale, reflecting its emphasis on unpleasant effects (Haertzen and Hickey, 1987).
We have developed a new instrument, the Hallucinogen Rating Scale (HRS), that differs from these previous scales. It was drafted by interviewing experienced hallucinogen users, and modified during pilot studies with DMT in an additional cohort of well-prepared, educated, well-functioning, experienced hallucinogen users (Strassman et al., 1994).
The HRS also differs from other rating scales in its emphasis on a "mental status examination" clustering of items. In the Abramson et al. scale, derivative factors, such as paranoid ideation and generalized inhibitory effects, are used. The Linton-Langs scale also uses this manner of grouping items: feeling less inhibited and suspiciousness are examples. In the Addiction Research Center Inventory, similarities or differences between a test drug and "reference" drugs are made, without determining the nature of these similarities or differences. In the HRS, items are grouped into six "clinical clusters": somaesthesia (somatic/interoceptive/visceral cues), affect, perception, cognition (thought content and processes), volition (willful ability to interact with one's mental and physical self and the environment), and intensity (a global measure of robustness of response). These clinical clusters provided better resolution of subtle dose effects for DMT than multiple biological measurements in initial dose-response studies. Principal components factor analysis, choosing six factors to correspond to the clinical clusters, also proved superior to biological variables in differentiating among DMT doses, but generated a less heuristically useful grouping of individual items (Strassman et al., 1994).


Route of Administration
Whether LSD and longer-acting compounds produce their effects directly, or require secondary, "downstream" mechanisms, has been debated, because of the delay in onset of effects of LSD even with intravenous administration (Aghajanian and Bing, 1964). However, Hoch (1956) described nearly instantaneous onset of LSD effects with intraspinal administration, and intravenous DMT effects also are immediate (Strassman et al., 1994). Thus, access of drug to relevant brain sites, lipid solubility, clearance, and other pharmacokinetic factors determine the time course of drug effects, rather than secondary processes. However, there may be systems downstream from 5-HT receptor agonism that require extremely short time domains for activation.


Tolerance
LSD and other classical compounds elicit behavioral tolerance (Isbell et al., 1956) and cross-tolerance (Abramson et al., 1960a) after several daily doses. The exception is DMT, for which no behavioral tolerance has been demonstrated (Gillin et al., 1976), and which elicits a fully hallucinogenic response in LSD-tolerant subjects (Rosenberg et al., 1964).


Human Hallucinogen-Neurotransmitter Interactions
Serotonin. Bromo-LSD, a potent 5-HT antagonist in lower animals (Cerletti and Doepfner, 1958), although psychoactive in humans at much higher doses than LSD (Isbell et al., 1959b), antagonized LSD effects in both normal subjects (Ginzel and Mayer-Gross, 1956) and psychiatric patients (Turner et al., 1959). Cyproheptadine, a 5-HT2A c antagonist (Hoyer and Schoeffter, 1991), prevented the subjective effects of DMT in two of three normal volunteers (Meltzer et al., 1982). 5-Hydroxytryptophan loading studies attempted to surmount the 5-HT antagonism of LSD in humans, but did not demonstrate clinically relevant effects (Pare and LaBrosse, 1963). Chronic monoamine oxidase inhibition reduced LSD's effects in humans (Resnick et al., 1964), perhaps relating to downregulation of 5-HT sites. MAO inhibition also reduced DMT effects (Sai-Halasz, 1963). This latter phenomenon may relate to inhibition of DMT metabolism (Sitaram et al., 1987). Reserpine, if administered at adequate dosage and duration, enhanced responses to LSD in humans (Isbell and Logan, 1957; Resnick et al., 1965), supporting a functional "upregulation" of relevant mechanisms.
Both meta-chlorophenylpiperazine (Kahn and Wetzler, 1991) and 6-chloro-2-(1-piperzinyl)pyrazine (MK-212) (Murphy et al., 1991) share pharmacological characteristics with the classical hallucinogens, and elicit "hallucinogenic" effects in patients with schizophrenia (Krystal et al., 1993) or alcoholism (Lee and Meltzer, 1991), but not in normal subjects (Murphy et al., 1991). Higher doses in normal subjects may produce more typical responses.
Dopamine. LSD has agonist effects at postsynaptic receptors (Burt et al., 1976), and DMT has dopamine-releasing properties (Haubrich and Wang, 1977). While chlorpromazine was suggested to be a "specific antidote" to LSD effects (Isbell and Logan, 1957), it may enhance LSD's effects if given during the acute intoxication (Abramson et al., 1960b; Schwartz, 1967). Similarly, haloperidol pretreatment enhanced the neuroendocrine and subjective effects of DMT in one subject (Meltzer et al., 1982). In addition, methamphetamine (a dopamine agonist) ameliorated acute LSD effects (Hoch, 1956). Thus, affinities of hallucinogens for dopamine receptors, relative to primarily dopaminergic or antidopaminergic compounds, may determine the end result of manipulating dopaminergic neurotransmission on responses to hallucinogens. Other. Little data exist regarding manipulating cholinergic (Isbell et al., 1959a) and adrenergic (Murphree, 1962) systems on hallucinogen effects in humans, and require further study.


Hallucinogens and Schizophrenia
The association between ingestion of hallucinogens and onset of acute schizophrenic episodes is discussed below (see Adverse Effects). One of the initial indications for LSD in clinical research was for elicitation of a time-limited "psychotomimetic" syndrome. However, the degree of overlap has been vigorously debated (Hollister, 1962; Langs and Barr, 1968; Vardy and Kay, 1983; Young, 1974). The criticism that visual effects were relatively uncommon in functional psychoses has been tempered by the high incidence of these symptoms in later studies (Bracha et al., 1989). It appears that acutely ill, positive-symptom patients show more "psychedelic" symptoms than do chronic, undifferentiated, negative-symptom predominating patients, particularly in the prodromal state (Bowers and Freedman, 1966).
Hallucinogens also were administered to psychotic patients and comparisons were made between drug effects and preexisting symptoms (Cholden et al., 1955). These studies were limited by the highly anecdotal nature of ratings of "subjective" effects. Some studies reported that hallucinogens produced different symptoms than those patients were normally experiencing (Fink et al., 1966; Turner et al., 1959), while others reported an exacerbation of preexisting psychopathology (Hoch et al., 1952; MacDonald and Galvin, 1956). A relatively consistent finding was that "burned out," predominantly negative symptom-laden patients showed blunted responses to hallucinogens (Boszormenyi and Szara, 1958; Hoch et al., 1952). This latter finding supports lower levels of 5-HT2 sites in the cortex of schizophrenics (Mita et al., 1986). It also prompted a search for "endogenous schizotoxins," in which case "tolerance" to naturally occurring psychotomimetics would confer resistance to exogenously administered agents in patients.
The short-chained tryptamines, DMT and 5-methoxyDMT, were leading candidates for endogenous hallucinogens (Corbett et al., 1978; Franzen and Gross, 1965). Requisite enzymes for DMT biosynthesis were found in human blood (Wyatt et al., 1973), brain (Saavedra and Axelrod, 1972), and lung (Axelrod, 1962). Although correlations were seen between acute symptomatology and DMT excretion in patients (Murray et al., 1979), interest waned because peripheral DMT levels were not consistently different between normal and psychotic subjects (Gillin et al., 1976). However, peripheral levels do not accurately reflect either concentrations at discrete brain areas, nor differential sensitivity to comparable levels between normal subjects and patients with psychoses. Lack of tolerance to its psychological effects, given either twice daily for 5 days (Gillin et al., 1976) or every 30 minutes four times, strengthens its importance as a putative schizotoxin.


Psychotherapy Research
Relatively few studies used LSD as a "psychopharmacotherapeutic" agent in humans, i.e., daily dosing regimes. Daily LSD elicited robust antidepressant responses in depressives in an uncontrolled study, while tolerance to its psychedelic effects developed rapidly (Savage, 1952). These data are consistent with similar
effects of chronic LSD and antidepressants on 5-HT receptor function (Buckholtz et al., 1990; Stolz et al., 1983). Beneficial responses to daily dosing in some autistic children also were seen (Bender, 1966; Freedman et al., 1962; Simmons et al., 1966).
The first suggestion that LSD may hasten psychotherapy was made in the early 1950s (Busch and Johnson, 1950), and series of cases soon followed (Eisner and Cohen, 1958). LSD was believed useful in recovering early memories, enhancing associative processes, reducing repression, intensifying affective responses, and magnifying aspects of the transference (Chandler and Hartman,1960; Hollister et al., 1962; Snyder et al.,1968). These early protocols utilized relatively low doses (25 to 100 mcg) within the context of ongoing psychoanalytic psychotherapy. This was termed the psycholytic approach, and utilized multiple sessions over months or years. These studies were hampered by lack of adequate control groups and impartial raters, small sample size, and primarily anecdotal data. However, their emphasis on repeated sessions merits attention when assessing results from "psychedelic" research protocols. This latter approach, described below, may have limited efficacy by depending inordinately upon one or two highly charged sessions, without the benefit of "working through" available in the psycholytic model.
The psychedelic approach, favored by North American researchers, involved administration of a single, or at most a small number of, high dose (300 to 1500 mcg) LSD session(s) after a relatively short course of psychotherapy (Pahnke et al., 1970). This psychotherapy encouraged the patient to undergo a "psychedelic experience," which had many aspects of a religious epiphany. As many "spontaneously recovered" drug abusers report similar spiritual-mystical experiences (Ludwig, 1985), this approach was turned to substance abuse treatment (Hollister et al., 1969; Savage and McCabe, 1973). Uncontrolled, often anecdotal reports from psychedelic studies also demonstrated some promise in the treatment of sociopathy (Shagass and Bittle, 1967), prisoner recidivism (Leary and Metzner, 1967-68), and the pain and despair associated with terminal illness (Grof et al., 1973; Kast and Collins, 1964).
Substance abuse treatment studies were numerous, and while initial reports were enthusiastic (Kurland et al., 1967; MacLean et al., 1961; Smith, 1958), studies using control groups and longer follow-up demonstrated less impressive results (Cheek et al., 1966; Hollister et al., 1969; Johnson, 1969). However, a review of 31 studies involving 1100 alcoholics concluded that meaningful generalizations could not be reached because of the inconsistent designs and criteria for improvement (Abuzzahab and Anderson, 1971).
In summary, many of the initial studies suggesting enhancement of psychotherapy with hallucinogens were hampered by lack of methodological rigor. However, placebo/control treatments are problematic. For example, when 50 1lg of LSD were used as "active placebo" against 450,ug of LSD in an alcoholism treatment study using the psychedelic model, minimal differences in outcome among groups were discerned (Kurland et al., 1971). That many of the low-dose group also underwent a "peak experience" emphasizes the importance of assessing the interplay between pharmacology, psychotherapy, and subjective experience. Minimum requirements for future studies should include independent raters of effects and outcome, identical (nondrug) treatment in the control group, and adequate follow-up (at least 1 year) (O'Brien and Jones, 1994). The choice of inactive and/or active placebo must be given careful consideration. Finally, a hybrid of the psychedelic and psycholytic models, in which more frequent high-dose sessions are used, may provide additional flexibility and allow more psychotherapeutic work to take place than either model alone.


Adverse Effects
The profoundly altered mental status elicited by hallucinogens requires astute clinical management, including thorough screening and preparation of prospective patient or volunteer subjects, careful supervision of drug sessions, and consistent and responsive follow-up which may require psychotherapeutic intervention.
Early clinical investigators provided reassuring safety data. A survey of American clinical research documented in normal volunteers a rate of attempted suicide of 0/1,000, completed suicide of 0/1,000, and "psychotic reactions over 48 hours" of.8/1,000. Corresponding figures in patients were 1.2/1,000,.4/1,000, and 1.8/1,000 (Cohen, 1960). These data were derived from over 5,000 subjects who had received LSD or mescaline more than 25,000 times, single individuals taking between 1 and 80 doses, using LSD doses from 25 to 1,500 mcg. A British survey reported comparable results (Malleson, 1971).
Once hallucinogens escaped from the laboratory, however, emergency rooms and clinics were quickly impacted by adverse effects in unprepared, unsupervised, and psychiatrically ill individuals taking hallucinogens, especially LSD (Frosch, 1969; Ungerleider et al., 1968). LSD was nearly always of uncertain quality and dose, and combinations of LSD and other drugs and alcohol were usual (Frosch et al., 1965).
These adverse consequences may be classified temporally as acute, subacute, and chronic (Strassman, 1984).


Acute
Acute adverse effects include: a) brief panic reactions to effects of the drug, which generally responded to verbal reassurance and protection of the patient, and only in severe instances, to medication (Taylor et al., 1970); and b) psychotic reactions, disorganized states that lasted longer than 24 hours and required more intensive management and often hospitalization. These psychotic reactions usually were superimposed on preexisting psychotic disorders in polydrug-abusing patients (Blumenfield and Glickman, 1967; Hekimian and Gershon, 1968; Hensala et al., 1967; Vardy and Kay, 1983). They typically responded to treatments appropriate to the non-drug-induced syndromes they resembled (Strassman, 1984).
Toxicology laboratories now can measure sub-nanogram/milliliter concentrations of LSD in body fluids (Nelson and Foltz, 1992), aiding diagnosis of acute adverse reactions.


Subacute
Subacute effects requiring clinical intervention are flashbacks, which refer to unbidden re-experiencing of certain aspects of hallucinogen-induced effects, often visual, but partaking of all psychic functions (Wesson and Smith, 1976). They occur after an intervening period of normalcy after a drug experience (Horowitz, 1969). Not all flashbacks are felt to be adverse, and many members of the psychedelic subculture find brief "free trips" pleasurable (Wesson and Smith, 1976). The incidence is reported to vary between 15% and 77% of individuals who have had at least one LSD experience (Strassman, 1984).
In our DMT studies with experienced hallucinogen users, we have seen an incidence of 5% to 10% in volunteers with at least one high-dose DMT session. These sessions, it should be noted, are almost uniformly regarded as "higher than I have ever been," and thus may be considered traumatic. Meditation, smoking marijuana, and falling to or waking from sleep are the most common precipitants. Several volunteers willfully attempt to re-experience aspects of the DMT state by these means.
The etiology of flashbacks is not known, but organic, psychological, and social hypotheses have been proposed (Alarcon et al., 1982). Their presence in post-traumatic stress disorder and elicitation by lactate infusion (Rainey et al., 1987) suggest a complex interaction of anxiety and stress with memory processes (McGee, 1984). Flashbacks are usually self-limited, if psychoactive drugs, especially hallucinogens and marijuana, are avoided. Persistent or particularly disturbing symptoms (Abraham, 1983) require a neurological evaluation.


Chronic
Chronic adverse effects may be divided into functional and organic. Functional syndromes rarely may be quite debilitating and treatment resistant, resembling an ego-syntonic, negative symptom-laden schizophrenic disorder (Glass and Bowers, 1970).
More difficult to diagnosis confidently as directly related to LSD use are changes in lifestyle and interpersonal behaviors associated with hallucinogen use (Blacker et al., 1968). The confluence of drugs and preexisting personality styles is suggested in McGlothlin and Arnold's (1971) 10-year follow-up of psychotherapy patients and normal volunteers who participated in sanctioned LSD studies. This study suggested a catalytic effect of LSD use in individuals predisposed to unconventional aesthetic and philosophic ideas (McGlothlin and Arnold, 1971).
LSD-induced organic central deficits have been difficult to document with certainty, because of no premorbid data and an inability to control for other substances of abuse (Acord and Barker, 1973). Statistically, but not clinically, significant decrements were reported in several studies. Lower Halsteads' Category and Reitan's Trail Making A test scores were reported in hallucinogen users compared with control subjects; however, both of these tests were within normal ranges in drug users (Culver and King, 1974; McGlothlin et al., 1969). Nonspecific EEG changes also were described (Blacker et al., 1968).
Chronic visual disturbances, posthallucinogen perceptual disorder, akin to chronic flashbacks, may partake of functional and organic bases. The validity of this diagnosis is uncertain because of lack of premorbid data and inability to control for other drugs of abuse. Its responsiveness to benzodiazepines (Abraham, 1983) support an anxiety/functional rather than organic disorder (McGee, 1984).


Mutagenicity / Teratogenicity
Initial reports of chromosomal (Cohen et al., 1967) and reproductive (Jacobson and Berlin, 1972) disorders in LSD users were not replicated in later studies (Dishotsky et al., 1971; Muneer, 1978). Until more controlled data are forthcoming, however, woman who are pregnant or not using reliable contraception are not suitable candidates for hallucinogen research protocols.


Conclusions and Recommendations
Hallucinogens are powerful drugs, with the potential to elicit or exacerbate psychiatric symptoms. Particularly aversive or overwhelming acute effects may traumatize or sensitize the individual, setting up the potential for flashbacks akin to those seen in post-traumatic stress disorder. The use of experienced hallucinogen users may reduce the traumatic nature of high-dose hallucinogen sessions, and is recommended for psychopharmacological research. Additionally, truly informed consent is possible only in experienced users. Studies comparing responses in normal subjects with those in psychiatric patients (see below) should use the lowest doses that will generate requisite data.
Psychotherapy protocols require a careful assessment of risk to benefit ratios balancing morbidity or mortality of an untreatable psychiatric condition with the likelihood of psychological sequelae of hallucinogen exposure. The risk associated with psychotherapy research protocols may be lessened by using the lowest possible dose of drug. If high-dose administration is necessary, it may be prudent to gradually build up to this dose over several sessions.


Current Research
In the United States, we have been administering DMT since late 1990 (Strassman, 1991) in psychopharmacologic studies utilizing experienced hallucinogen users (Strassman and Qualls, 1994; Strassman et al., 1994). The University of Miami has begun phase I studies of ibogaine in preparation for substance abuse treatment research. Similar phase I studies have begun at UCLA with MDMA, also in anticipation of therapeutic applications. Psychopharmacological studies using subanesthetic, psychotomimetic doses of ketamine in normal volunteers and patients with schizophrenia are ongoing at Yale University (Krystal et al., 1994). A substance abuse treatment amendment to the University of Maryland's inactive LSD protocol has been approved, and may begin within a year.
In Europe, group and individual psychodynamic psychotherapy with LSD or MDMA has been taking place in Switzerland since 1985, but no research data have been generated. The University of Zurich is studying the effects of psilocybin and ketamine on positron emission tomography and neuropsychological responses in normal volunteers (Vollenweider, 1994). In Germany, several sites are studying mescaline and MDE (the N-ethyl derivative of MDMA) effects in normal volunteers, studies in which multiple neurobiological variables are characterized (Hermle et al., 1992, 1993).


Areas for Future Research
As described previously, a wide range of temporal characteristics are available with the hallucinogens, and may be exploited for research with different goals. For example, psychotherapy protocols might be best served using short-acting drugs whose effects last between 1 and 2 hours, while neuroendocrine challenge studies would benefit from using ultra-short-acting drugs and keeping interactions with the environment to a minimum. Protocols requiring multiple within-individual assessments could use long-and ultra-long-acting drugs.


Measurement Variables
Recent DMT studies demonstrate the superiority of subjective (HRS) responses to biological ones with respect to subtle dose effects (Strassman et al., 1994). Thus, despite better characterization of mechanisms of action for neuroendocrine, cardiovascular, and other autonomic variables, sensitivity for effects of experimental manipulations is relatively low. This emphasizes the importance of introspection and subjective data in characterizing the effects of hallucinogens, especially using a within-subjects design.


Psychopharmacology
Human hallucinogen psychopharmacology requires further study, for both clinical and heuristic purposes. Research should assess the role of non-5-HT neurotransmitters, particularly dopamine. Risperidone, with potent 5-HT2 and D2 antagonism, is more potent than ritanserin, a pure 5-HT2A,( agent, in antagonizing animal responses to LSD (Meert et al., 1989). The importance of combined 5-HT/DA antagonism corresponds to efficacy in schizophrenia treatment with "atypical" antipsychotic medications (Meltzer, 1989), and suggests that antagonists to hallucinogens' behavioral effects in humans may be efficacious in schizophrenia.
Pretreatment blockade studies, based upon relevant animal and human data, will suggest interruption strategies for acute adverse reactions in the emergency setting. Blockade strategies (Kosten and Kosten, 1991) also could be utilized to prevent subjective effects in those prone to chronic abuse of hallucinogens in a manner similar to naltrexone.
Although most classical hallucinogens' qualitative psychopharmacological properties are believed identical (Isbell, 1959), little data exist for within-subject studies using multiple drugs. Many congeners of classical compounds have been administered safely to humans (Isbell et al., 1959b). Assessment of salient similarities and differences will suggest structure-activity relationships for design of drugs with desirable functional profiles for clinical research purposes (Nichols, 1987).
Responses to hallucinogens in psychiatric populations with presumed abnormalities in neurotransmitter systems relevant to hallucinogen action may be tested, if appropriate safeguards are in place. Such studies would generate unique human data relating disturbed subjective experience in psychiatric patients to pharmacological manipulations, generating both therapeutically and mechanistically valuable data.
Studies exploiting recently developed hallucinogen-induced animal models of information-processing defects in schizophrenia (Braff and Geyer, 1990) could be applied to normal volunteers' responses to these drugs, further comparing the two syndromes. In addition, the HRS could be applied to more carefully characterized schizophrenic patients at various stages of the disorder, allowing novel comparisons between functional and drug-induced psychoses.
Advances in in vivo brain-imaging techniques may better characterize hallucinogen effects and mechanisms of action. These include topographic pharmacoelectroencephalography, positron emission tomography (assessing metabolic effects of psychoactive doses, and distribution of low doses of labeled compounds), and magnetic resonance imaging (spectroscopy and functional imaging).


Psychotherapy
Economic constraints create increasing pressure for cost-effective medical psychotherapy (Krupnick and Pincus, 1992). Sophisticated psychotherapy protocols with proven efficacy (Frank et al., 1990) provide a strong foundation upon which hallucinogen-assisted psychotherapy research may be re-examined. Courses of therapy utilizing adjunctive, high-dose, hallucinogen-assisted sessions should be considered in a model combining the psychedelic and psycholytic models. This would be a logical extension of earlier work that suggested robust short-term improvement, but less impressive maintenance of therapeutic effects, in high-dose models.
The growing numbers of terminally ill cancer and acquired immune deficiency syndrome patients who require palliative, quality-of-life treatment suggest additional areas for future psychotherapy research that would build upon older, uncontrolled studies indicating beneficial responses. The reported elements of increased pain control, improved family relationships, and greater acceptance of illness and impending death, if verified by controlled studies, would provide additional clinical support for these patients. The use of "flooding" to treat post-traumatic stress disorder in both combat veterans (Grigsby, 1987) and others (Saigh, 1989) may also provide a unique interfacing of hallucinogenic drug effects with an established treatment modality for a particularly pernicious and common disorder. Hallucinogen-enhanced imagery and associations, and associated affective responses to these, could be used to enhance the efficacy of this treatment.


Set and Setting
Although complex and potentially controversial, set and setting issues require further study. Set refers to the personality, state, and expectations of the subject, and setting to the environment in which the session takes place. Setting partakes of the physical surroundings, e.g., inpatient, high-technology research unit or comfortable outpatient consultation suite; nuances of the investigator/therapist presentation, including clothing, appearance, odor, and other physical characteristics; being belted to the bed (Smart et al., 1966) or able to move about freely; and eyes open or blindfolded (Denber, 1958). In addition, it involves the "set" of the research team members, including the nature of countertransference and empathy (Day, 1957), type and amount of training in psychotherapy and working with regressed/psychotic individuals, and the theoretical model and expectations of the research, psychotomimetic, psychedelic, or otherwise.
Finally, research team members' experience with hallucinogens may affect the nature of the results of research/treatment protocols. Swiss and German health authorities require that the principal investigators first take study drugs at doses to be used in their protocols, both for safety issues and to provide more adequate informed consent.3 In the United States, self-experimentation by research teams initially was encouraged (Cerletti and Rothlin, 1955; Johnson, 1969; Szara, 1957). However, in response to highly publicized cases of self-experimentation and extraresearch drug taking with volunteers (Leary, 1968), this practice was discontinued. Future research must carefully account for these setting variables in assessing outcome measures, and the European practice of "going first" should be considered.


Training Issues
The small number of protocols using hallucinogens allows for very close contact between investigators and regulatory agencies overseeing this work. However, renewed examination of these compounds may generate a large number of requests to use them in clinical studies. State of the art methodologies are no guarantee against disasters resulting from imprudent administration of hallucinogens to humans.
Transference and countertransference issues are rarely discussed in psychopharmacology research, and increasingly less so in psychotherapy research. However, the regressed, suggestible, and unusual behavior of subjects under the influence of hallucinogens is easily observable. Interpersonal exchanges that would be readily overlooked in a normal state of awareness may assume extreme and confusing meaning. The clinical investigator not only may become the object of infantile wishes and fears, but may, in the subject's mind, actually look, smell, feel, and sound identical to highly emotionally charged people in his or her life. In addition, the clinical researcher may have multiple, conflicting, and more-or-less conscious motivations for administering incapacitating drugs to humans. These may include narcissistic, grandiose or sadistic, and voyeuristic impulses. Callous, offhand, or teasing remarks made for these and other, less malignant, but similarly unexamined, motivations can dramatically alter the course of a volunteer's hallucinogenic drug experience, from a psychedelic to psychotomimetic. Sexual relations between clinician and subject, during or after a hallucinogenic drug session, the most disastrous acting-out of both parties' drug-altered sensibilities, do occur.
Regulatory agencies determine professional qualifications and adequacy of facilities for conducting this research. However, I believe that specialized training, and perhaps certification, is necessary for clinical investigators performing human hallucinogen research. Such training/certification and ongoing periodic supervision would reduce the likelihood of subtle or flagrant misuse of these compounds by unknowing or unscrupulous clinical investigators. Specific proposals regarding the nature of this training and supervision is beyond the scope of this article. This suggestion is meant to stimulate further debate and discussion at institutional and governmental levels.


Conclusion
The renewal of human hallucinogen research is encouraging. However, it must be tempered with an appreciation that the controversial nature of these drugs caused a suspension of nearly a generation's worth of research in the field (Dahlberg et al., 1968). Ongoing studies are taking a painstaking, systematic approach, and are avoiding claims that cannot be substantiated by data. Careful attention to selection, screening, preparation, supervision, and follow-up of subjects undergoing hallucinogenic drug sessions is absolutely necessary. In addition, the training, characteristics, and research setting of clinical investigators desiring to work with these compounds must be addressed directly.
These precautions will provide a safety net to minimize many of the mistakes and false leads that plagued the first round of human studies. If appropriate circumspection is practiced, the re-examination of the role of hallucinogens in clinical research and treatment will be substantial.


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Mescaline, LSD, Psilocybin and Personality Change




Mescaline, LSD, Psilocybin and Personality Change
Sanford M. Unger, Ph.D.*
from: Psychiatry: Journal for the Study of Interpersonal Processes
Vol. 26, No. 2, May, 1963. © The William Alanson White Psychiatric Foundation




. . . our normal waking consciousness . . . is but one special type of consciousness, whilst all about it, parted from it by the filmiest of screens, there lie potential forms of consciousness entirely different.... No account of the universe in its totality can be final which leaves these . . . disregarded. How to regard them is the question—for they are so discontinuous with ordinary consciousness.—William James. (1)



In recent years, how to regard the "forms of consciousness entirely different" induced by mescaline, LSD-25, and psilocybin has posed a seemingly perplexing issue. For articulate self-experimenters from Mitchell to Huxley, mescaline has provided many-splendored visual experiences, or a life-enlarging sojourn in "the Antipodes of the mind" (2). For Stockings, it may be recalled, mescaline produced controlled schizophrenia (3)—a thesis which earned the Bronze Medal of the Royal Medico-Psychological Association and apparently inaugurated, in conjunction with the advent of LSD-25, a period of concerted chemical activity in the exploration and experimental induction of "model psychoses" (4). In counterpoint, this same so-called "psychotomimetic" LSD has increasingly found use as a purposeful intervention or "adjuvant" in psychotherapy (5). The recently arrived "magic mushroom," psilocybin, has been similarly equivocal—"psychotogenic" for some, "mysticomimetic" for others (6). The present paper will review the literature on drug experience—paying particular attention to the effects of extradrug variables, for the realization of the extent of their potential influence has only recently crystallized, and promises to reduce some of the abundant disorder in this area.
The phenomenon of drug-associated rapid personality or behavior change will be discussed in some detail. For example, a number of different alcoholic treatment facilities, especially in Canada, have reported, for many of their patients, complete abstinence after a single LSD session (7). More generally, neurotic ailments over the full range have been described as practically evaporating (8). Given this picture, and the present state and practice of the therapeutic art, it is not surprising to find at least one psychiatrist envisioning ". . . mass therapy: institutions in which every patient with a neurosis could get LSD treatment and work out his problems largely by himself" (9). James would have been much attracted by the "spectacular and almost unbelievable results" (10) reported on the modern drug scene; and, in fact, their resemblance to the "instantaneous transformations" attendant on "mystical" religious conversions —which he discussed so eloquently—may well be more than superficial and seems worthy of attention.

The Equivalent Action of Mescaline, LSD-25, and Psilocybin
Since the evidence and testimony accumulated over the years on the separate drugs will be treated interchangeably, this raises a preliminary point of some importance. Although the conclusion was delayed by both dissimilarities in their chemical structure and differing modes of introduction to the scientific community, it is now rather commonly adjudged that the subjective effects of mescaline, LSD-25, and psilocybin are similar, equivalent, or indistinguishable. Both Isbell and Abramson have administered LSD and psilocybin in the same study; Wolbach and his co-workers have administered all three. All have found that their subjects were unable to distinguish between the drugs (11).
The reported equivalence in subjective reactions seems quite consistent—or at least not inconsistent—with present pharmacodynamic knowledge. Studies of radioactively tagged mescaline and LSD indicate that the compounds largely disappear from the brain in relatively short order—in fact, at about the same time that the first "mental phenomena" make their appearance (12). Hence, it has been tentatively suggested that the characteristic effects, which persist for a relatively long period, are to be attributed not to the action of the drug itself but to some as yet unidentified aspect of the chain of events triggered by drug administration. Isbell, observing the "remarkably similar" reactions to LSD and psilocybin, hypothesized "some common biochemical or physiological mechanism" to be responsible for the effects—that is, that the various compounds share a final common path (13). The most direct support for this inference of biological identity in ultimate mechanism of action has come from cross-tolerance studies wherein subjects rendered tolerant to one drug—that is, nonreactive after repeated administrations —have then been challenged by a different drug. Present indications are that cross-tolerance among the drugs does in fact develop (14).
This is not intended to suggest that a drug experience is invariable among subjects—quite the contrary has been the case. In fact, experiences even for the same subject differ from one session to the next (15). But when relevant extradrug variables are controlled, the within-drug variance is apparently coextensive with between-drug variance, and is attributable to ubiquitous personality differences; in other words, while a range of reactions is reported to all of the drugs, there is no reaction distinctively associated with any particular drug. Extradrug variables, which have been uncontrolled and largely unrecognized until recently, are apparently responsible for much of the variance erroneously attributed to specific drug action.

Invariant Drug Reactions
By common consent, the drug experience is paranormal—that is, beyond or outside the range of the normal, the everyday. Exclamations of "indescribable" recurrently appear in the literature. However, whenever descriptions are essayed, there is relative unanimity about certain features. These, it may be said, are attributable to the drug administration, per se, independent of the personality of the subject, the setting, or the experimenter's or subject's expectations. A sampling from the literature of subjective reports and testimony may communicate, or at least transmit the flavor of, these invariant reactions.
First, and perhaps most easily conveyed, is the characteristic of the drug experience called by Ellis a "saturnalia" or "orgy" of vision (16). Subsequent authors have been only slightly more restrained:

The predominance of visual experiences in the picture is striking— not only on account of the persistent hallucinations and illusions, but by the impressiveness of seen real objects, their shape and color.... (17)

There is a great intensification of light; this intensification is experienced both when the eyes are closed and when they are open.... With this intensification of light there goes a tremendous intensification of color, and this holds good of the outer world as well as of the inner world (18).

When I closed my eyes . . . I experienced fantastic images of an extraordinary plasticity. These were associated with an intense kaleidoscopic play of colors (19).

Changes in the perception of visual form occur in virtually everyone.... Consistently reported [are] the plasticity which the forms of the visual world assume . . . the emphasis upon play of light and color, as though light were alive (20).


A second invariant set of drug reactions, more difficult to characterize or communicate, has been called, variously, depersonalization, dissociation, levitation, derealization, abnormal detachment, body image distortion or alteration, and the like:

There is an awareness of an abnormal distance between the self and what happens in its consciousness; on the other hand, the experience of an abnormal fusion of subject and object (21).

My ideas of space were strange beyond description. I could see myself from head to foot as well as the sofa on which I was lying. About me was nothingness, absolutely empty space. I was floating on a solitary island in the ether. No part of my body was subject to the laws of gravitation (22).

What happens in the LSD experience? . . . the universe is overtly structured in terms of an identification between the perceiver and the thing perceived. You hear the music way off down in a cavern, and suddenly it is you who is way down in the cavern. Are you now the music, or is the music now at the mouth of the cavern? Did you change places with it? And so on? (23)

Some degree of depersonalization probably occurs during every LSD experience . . . the detachment of the conscious self, a sort of detached ego. This self is in touch with reality and is in touch with the self experiencing the psychic phenomena (24).


Regardless of whatever else a drug experience may be reported to include, alterations in visual experience and in experience of self, as detailed above, may be predicted with considerable confidence (25).
In connection with the so-called dissociation phenomenon— and in view of the connotations of the "psychotomimetic" and "intoxicant" labels—it may be well to emphasize that drug experiences, at least for most nonpsychotic subjects, do not seem to approximate delirium:

The mescal drinker remains calm and collected amid the sensory turmoil around him; his judgment is as clear as in the normal state.... (26)

It is difficult to classify the state of consciousness during the intoxication which allows such self-observation and, at times, seems to foster detachment and self-scrutiny (27).

. . . in a state of clear consciousness [the subject] . . . is able to describe in detail the manifold mental changes daring drug intoxication (28).


The nondelirious condition of normal volunteers, at least with low to moderate drug dosage, has been objectively attested by their ability to perform psychological tests. The most exhaustive series of investigations along this line has been carried out for LSD by Abramson and his associates (29). Generally, although not consistently, subjects show slight decrements in performance—at least some of which may well be attributable to an altered state of attention-motivation-affect. However, the test setting itself seems to contaminate the drug experience; Savage, among others, has noted "a less profound effect when subjects are kept busy doing psychological tests...." (30)
Another and final set of seemingly invariant reactions concerns the retrospective impressiveness of the drug experience. The succession of testimonials to this effect is a striking and salient feature of the history of research with these compounds:

In some individuals, the "ivresse divine" is rather an "ivresse diabolique." But in either case . . . one looks "beyond the horizon" of the normal world and this "beyond" is often so impressive or even shocking that its after-effects linger for years in one's memory (31).

The experience of the intoxication, as Beringer also observed, makes a particularly deep impression.... The personality is touched to its core and is led into provinces of psychic life otherwise unexplored; light is shed on boundaries otherwise dark and unrevealed and in this some aid may be given to Existenzerhellung (illumination of existence) (32).

. . . most subjects find the experience valuable, some find it frightening, and many say that it is uniquely lovely.... For myself, my experiences with these substances have been the most strange, most awesome, and among the most beautiful things in a varied and fortunate life (33).

To be shaken out of the ruts of ordinary perception . . . this is an experience of inestimable value to everyone and especially to the intellectual . . . the man who comes back through the Door in the Wall will never be quite the same as the man who went out (34).

. . . the whole experience is (and is as) a profound piece of knowledge. It is an indelible experience; it is forever known. I have known myself in a way I doubt would have ever occurred except as it did (35).

The "Psychotomimetic" Label
After the above renditions, a querulous reader may be concerned about the appellation "psychotomimetic drugs." So are many contemporary researchers and therapists, too numerous to mention. Holliday has provided a trenchant analysis of "how the semantics in the field of psychopharmacology became so confused and generally misleading" (36); here, only a few points will be noted.
Early mescaline investigators clearly tempered their comparisons between the mescal-induced state and the hallucinations and dissociations of endogenous psychosis. As far back as 1930, it was found that when chronic schizophrenics suffering from persistent hallucinations were given mescal, they distinguished the mescal phenomena, remarked on their appearance, and usually blamed them on the same persecutors who had molested them before (37). Kluver, though he foresaw and extensively discussed the "model" values of mescal, persisted in calling it "the divine plant" (38). It was apparently difficult to consider a sacramental substance—"the comfort, healer, and guide of us poor Indians . . . the great teacher" (39)—as unequivocally psychotomimetic.
With LSD, a laboratory-born drug having no history to contend with, the situation changed. The adventurous Hofmann, on that fateful day in 1943, started his self-experiment with 250 micrograms of LSD, thinking, as he put it, that such a small amount would probably be harmless. His response to this quite large dose—in terms of present-day experimental standards— was as follows:

I noted with dismay that my environment was undergoing progressive change. Everything seemed strange and I had the greatest difficulty in expressing myself. My visual fields wavered and everything appeared deformed as in a faulty mirror. I was overcome by a fear that I was going crazy, the worst part of it being that I was clearly aware of my condition. The mind and power of observation were apparently unimpaired (40).


Hofmann went on to list, as his most marked symptoms, visual disturbances, motor restlessness alternating with paralysis, and a suffocating sensation, and added: "Occasionally I felt as if I were outside my body. My 'ego' seemed suspended in space. .. ." (41)
Stoll, who in 1947 reported experimental confirmation of Hofmann's experience, is widely reputed to have warned informally of a case of suicide as the aftermath of an experimental trial. The most common accounts thereafter had a psychotic female subject committing suicide two weeks after the administration; or, in another version, a subject committing suicide after the drug had been administered without her knowledge. At any rate, this story, though itself never appearing in print, is referred to in one form or another in nearly all of the early work with LSD; it apparently influenced experimenter attitudes for a number of years.
For many and varied reasons, too involved to trace here, the initial formulation of the "model psychosis" properties of LSD engendered enormous investigative enthusiasm. In this climate, latent reservations on the score of psychotomimesis tended to go unvoiced. In the more recent, postenthusiasm era, however, reservations have been more or less vigorously expressed—for example:

There are considerable differences between LSD-induced and schizophrenic symptoms. The characteristic autism and dissociation of schizophrenia are absent with LSD. Perceptual disturbances due to LSD differ from those due to schizophrenia and, as a rule, are not true hallucinations. Finally, disturbances of consciousness following LSD do not resemble those occurring in schizophrenia (42).


Many alternatives to the "psychotomimetic" characterization of "hallucinogenic" agents have recently been proposed. In 1957, Osmond offered, among others, "psychelytic" (mind-releasing) and "psychedelic" (mind-manifesting) (43). Other investigators have proposed consciousness-expanding, transcendental, emotionalgenic, mysticomimetic, and so forth. It becomes ever more apparent, though, that old labels never die (44).

Variable Drug Reactions and Extradrug Variables
It may probably be stated as a pharmacopoeias commonplace that the effects of a drug administration of any kind are likely to be compounded by factors other than specific pharmacologic action. Often this is attributed to "personality," to individual differences (45). However, though there have been as yet very few controlled investigations in the case of the drugs considered here, it has become abundantly clear from the systematic variability reported in subject and patient reactions—in both the affective and ideational dimensions of drug experience—that factors other than "personality" are also at issue.
Affective reactions attendant on a drug administration have varied, according to reports, all the way from hyperphoric ecstasy to unutterable terror—though not with all investigators. The opinion leader Hoch, through a decade of observations, consistently maintained:

LSD and mescaline disorganize the psychic integration of the individual.... (46)

. . . mescaline and LSD are essentially anxiety-producing drugs. . . . (47)


The following interchange was recorded at the 1959 conference on the use of LSD in psychotherapy held under the auspices of the Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation:

Hoch: Actually, in my experience, no patient asks for it [LSD] again.
Katzenelbogen: I can say the same.
Denber: I have used mescaline in the office . . . and the experience was such that patients said, "Once is enough." The same thing happened in the hospital. I asked the patients there if, voluntarily, they would like to take this again. Over 200 times the answer has been "No" (48).


Subsequently, Malitz also stated:

None of our normal volunteers wanted to take it [LSD] again (49).


In contrast, DeShon and his co-workers reported the results of the first LSD study done with normal subjects in this country as follows:

... anxiety was infrequent, transient, and never marked.... All subjects were willing to repeat the test (50).


The experience of other investigators has been similar:

During the past four years we have administered the drug [LSD] hundreds of times to nonpsychotics in doses up to 225 micrograms. . . . Those who have participated in these groups are nearly always definitely benefited by their experiences. Almost invariably they wish to return and to participate in new experiments (51).

. . . few patients discontinue treatment, in fact, enthusiasm and eagerness to continue are among the features of LSD patients (52) .


The rapidly expanding use of LSD in psychotherapeutic contexts has provided highly revealing clues to the patterning of extradrug variability. Busch and Johnson were the first to report administering LSD to neurotic patients whose therapy had "stalled" and whose prognosis was "dim." The result was "a reliving of repressed traumatic episodes of childhood," with "profound" influence on the course of therapy (53). Sandison and his colleagues also found that LSD "produces an upsurge of unconscious material into consciousness" (54), and that "repressed memories are relived with remarkable clarity" (55)—with therapeutically beneficial consequences.
Since these early reports, whenever psychoanalytically oriented therapists have employed LSD, practically without exception the patient relives childhood memories. The interesting point is that this phenomenon has practically never been noted in the experimental literature!
Jungian therapists, on the other hand, have repeatedly found that their patients have "transcendental" experiences—a state beyond conflict—often with rapid and dramatic therapeutic results. As a matter of fact, in an amusing and somewhat bemused account, Hartman has described his LSD-using group comprised of two Freudians and two Jungians, in which the patients of the former report childhood memories, while those of the latter have "transcendental" experiences. In addition, for Jungian patients, the transcendental state is associated with "spectacular" therapeutic results, while for Freudians, should such a state "accidentally" occur, no such spectacular consequence is observed (56).
While not from a therapeutic setting, the reports which have emanated from Harvard are noteworthy on the score of ideational content. Under psilocybin, Harvard subjects do not relive their childhood experiences, but grapple with age-old paradoxes:

. . . the problem of the one and the many, unity and variety, determinism and freedom; mechanism and vitalism; good and evil; time and eternity; the plenum and the void; moral absolutism and moral relativism; monotheism and polytheism and atheism. These are the basic problems of human existence.... We need not wonder that the Indians called the mushroom sacred and gave it a name which means "the flesh of the god" (57).


Without multiplying or belaboring divergences further, it should be apparent that affective reactions and ideational content may be systematically variable dimensions of drug experience; in addition, the possible therapeutic uses or consequences, however these are conceived, seem clearly variable. Once these "facts" are arrayed, in Baconian fashion, they nearly speak for themselves. At the Josiah Macy conference, the emerging consensus was perhaps best expressed by Savage:

This meeting is most valuable because it allows us to see all at once results ranging from the nihilistic conclusions of some to the evangelical ones of others. Because the results are so much influenced by the personality, aims, and expectations of the therapist, and by the setting, only such a meeting as this could provide us with such a variety of personalities and settings. It seems clear, first of all, that where there is no therapeutic intent, there is no therapeutic result. . . . I think we can also say that where the atmosphere is fear-ridden and skeptical, the results are generally not good.... This is all of tremendous significance, for few drugs are so dependent on the milieu and require such careful attention to it as LSD does (58).


The same conclusion has come from experimental quarters as well—for example:

[The effect] of hallucinogens is not limited to any single agent since, in addition to psilocybin, we have seen it with LSD-25 and mescaline. The environmental setting in which the drug is administered . . . affects the emerging behavior pattern. This factor may account for variations in results with different investigators. Our hospital setting, with the subject, a paid volunteer, receiving an unknown agent, in an experimental framework surrounded by unfamiliar doctors and nurses, differs markedly from the mystical setting which Wasson observed.... Only one of our subjects reported what might be described as a transcendental experience.... The differences in expectation and setting between these two grossly divergent groups may account in part for the disparity in their responses (59).


More specifically, anxiety in the therapist or experimenter about administering the drug, about "inducing psychosis," seems likely to render the experience anxiety-ridden for the subject. Abramson has flatly declared: "The response of the subject . . . will depend markedly upon the attitude of the therapist.... In particular, if the therapist is not anxious about the use of the drug, anxiety in the patient will be much decreased" (60). Hyde has reported that "impersonal, hostile, and investigative attitudes" arouse hostile and paranoid responses (61). Sandison has observed that the occurrence of anxiety seems largely to depend on "what the patient is told beforehand [as well as] rumors and myths current among patients and staff, or even in the press, about hallucinogenic drugs" (62). Huxley had intimated this before it became clarified in the psychiatric literature:

. . . the reasonably healthy person knows in advance that, so far as he is concerned, mescaline is completely innocuous.... Fortified by this knowledge, he embarks upon the experience without fear—it: other words, without any disposition to convert an unprecedented strange and other than human experience into something appalling, something actually diabolical (63).


That the positive or negative character of the experience can be systematically directed, overriding even personality factors, seems now to have been fairly conclusively demonstrated. With "adequate" preparation—that is, with the specific intent of rendering drug experiences "positive"—approximately 90 percent of the subjects or patients, in each of the two most recent studies, reported at least a "pleasant" or "rewarding" session, and nearly as many called it "an experience of great beauty" or something equally superlative (64).
In content, as in affect, subjects apparently respond to the implicit or explicit suggestion or expectation of the therapist or experimenter. The Harvard subjects were prepared for their metaphysical binges, it may be noted, with such assigned readings as the "Idols of the Cave" parable in Plato's Republic and passages from The Tibetan Book of the Dead. The preparation of psychotherapy patients hardly needs specification.
Finally, what may be said about therapeutic implications?— given the fact that the compounds under discussion may induce a powerful paranormal experience whose affective and ideational content can be guided. Only perhaps that the extent to which the experience can serve as a useful adjunct to traditional interview therapies, or vice versa, or even as a "compleat therapie" would seem to depend on the particular practitioner of the art—his conceptions of therapeutic gains and consequences, his philosophy and enthusiasm, and his orientation toward "placebo" or "faith" cures (65). Schmiege has summarized the current state of affairs as follows:

Those using LSD in multiple doses as an adjunct to psychotherapy feel that it is so useful because of its ability to do the following: (I) It helps the patient to remember and abreact both recent and childhood traumatic experiences. (2) It increases the transference reaction while enabling the patient to discuss it more easily. (3) It activates the patient's unconscious so as to bring forth fantasies and emotional phenomena which may be handled by the therapist as dreams. (4) It intensifies the patient's affectivity so that excessive intellectualization is less likely to occur. (5) It allows the patient to better see his customary defenses and sometimes allows him to alter them. Because of these effects, therapists feel that psychotherapy progresses at a faster rate. Of course this poses the age old problem of what is the essence of psychotherapy.


There are many reports of patients receiving meaningful insight about themselves in an LSD experience without the intervention, participation or even presence of a therapist.... Those who administer lysergic acid in a single dose have as their goal, in the words of Sherwood, et al., an overwhelming reaction "in which an individual comes to experience himself in a totally new way and finds that the age old question 'Who am I?' does have a significant answer." Frequently, this is accompanied by a transcendental feeling of being united with the world.... Some spectacular, and almost unbelievable, results have been achieved by using one dose of the drug (66) .

Rapid Personality Change
An increasing number of subjects, patients, experimenters, and psychiatrists—spontaneously or with priming—have declared their drug experiences to be transcendental, mystical, cosmic, visionary, revelatory, and the like. There seems to be difficulty in finding the right name for the experience, even among the professional so-called "mystics":

There is no really satisfactory name for this type of experience. To call it mystical is to confuse it with visions of another world, or of god and angels. To call it spiritual or metaphysical is to suggest that it is not also extremely concrete and physical, while the term "cosmic consciousness" itself has the unpoetic flavor of occultist jargon. But from all historical times and cultures we have reports of this same unmistakable sensation emerging, as a rule, quite suddenly and unexpectedly and from no clearly understood cause (67).


Whatever this type of experience is called, however, a growing body of "expert" testimony apparently confirms the possibility of its induction by drugs. Watts, the dean of current Western Zen scholars, has recently described "cosmic consciousness," courtesy of LSD, in exquisite detail (68). Seminary students and professors in the Boston area are said to have definitely concluded that their contact with psilocybin was "mystico-religious" (as to whether or not it was "Christian," however, they are still in doubt) (69). Huxley has been most outspoken about the capacity of the drugs to induce "traditional" mystical-visionary states:

For an aspiring mystic to revert, in the present state of knowledge, to prolonged fasting and violent self-flagellation would be as senseless as it would be for an aspiring cook to behave like Charles Lamb's Chinaman, who burned down the house in order to roast a pig. Knowing as he does (or at least as he can know, if he so desires) what are the chemical conditions of transcendental experience, the aspiring mystic should turn for technical help to the specialists.... (70)


Nearly invariably, whenever dramatic personality change has been noted following the use of these drugs, it has been associated with this kind of experience—that is, one called transcendental or visionary—with the particular name the experience is given seemingly most dependent upon whether the investigator focuses on affect or content. These experiments in drug-induced behavior change will shortly be reviewed in detail.

Examples Not Associated with Drugs
Since accounts of behavior transformations attendant on paranormal experience are not without precedent, it may be helpful to set the stage for present developments by citing some examples not connected with drugs. James reported on the phenomenon in its most familiar and perhaps prototypic context:

In this lecture we have to finish the subject of conversion, considering it first through striking instantaneous instances of which St. Paul's is the most eminent, and in which, often amid tremendous emotional excitement or perturbation of the senses, a complete division is established in the twinkling of an eye between the old life and the new.


After adducing numerous examples, James continued:

I might multiply cases almost indefinitely, but these will suffice to show you how real, definite, and memorable an event a sudden conversion may be to him who has the experience. Throughout the height of it he undoubtedly seems to himself a passive spectator or undergoer of an astounding process performed upon him from above. There is too much evidence of this for any doubt of it to be possible. Theology, combining this fact with the doctrine of election and grace, has concluded that the spirit of God is with us at these dramatic moments in a peculiarly miraculous way, unlike what happens at any other juncture of our lives. At that moment, it believes, an absolutely new nature is breathed into us, and we become partakers of the very substance of the Deity (71).


One may also recall to mind the "vision-seeking" American Indians whom Ruth Benedict immortalized. Adapting Nietzsche's designation "Dionysian" to characterize their cultural pattern, she portrayed its fundamental contrast with the "Apollonian" Zuni-Pueblo way of life. The Dionysian "seeks to attain in his most valued moments escape from the boundaries imposed on him by his five senses, to break through into another order of experience." He values "all means by which human beings may break through the usual sensory routine" (72).
Widespread among the western Indians (except in the Pueblos) was what Benedict called the "Dionysian dogma and practice" of the vision-quest—sought by fasting, by torture, and by drugs. The point of interest, of course, is that when the vision came, it could apparently trigger large-scale behavior alterations which had the stamp and reinforcement of social approval.

. . . on the western plains men sought these visions with hideous tortures. They cut strips from the skin of their arms; they struck off fingers; they swung themselves from tall poles by straps inserted under the muscles of their shoulders. They went without food and water for extreme periods. They sought in every way to achieve an order of experience set apart from daily living.

On the western plains they believed that when the vision came, it determined their life and the success they might expect. If no vision came, they were doomed to failure.... If the experience was of curing, one had curing powers; if of warfare, one had warrior's powers. If one encountered Double Woman, one was a transvestite, and took woman's occupations and habits. If one was blessed by the mythical Water-Serpent, one had supernatural power for evil, and sacrificed the lives of one's wife and children in payment for becoming a sorcerer (73).


The final example which will be noted here of rapid personality change not induced by drugs has emerged quite recently from Maslow's studies of "self-actualization." Maslow reports that the occurrence of a dramatic "peak experience"— defined or alternatively described as a "cognition of being," or as "mystic" or "oceanic"—is a major event in the life histories of his "self-actualizing" subjects. Maslow avers "unanimous agreement" among his subjects as to the "therapeutic" after-effects of such peak experiences—for example, that they were so profound as to remove neurotic symptoms forever; or were followed by greater creativity, spontaneity, or expressiveness; or produced a more or less permanently changed, more healthy world-view or view of self, and so on (74).

Drug-Associated Personality Change: A "New Concept" in Psychotherapy
It is an intriguing historical accident that, on the one hand, anthropological studies of the Native American Church (Peyotism) consistently record the peyote-associated reformation of alcoholic and generally reprobate characters (75), and, on the other hand, LSD has been increasingly utilized in the treatment of the white man's "fire-water" ills. LSD was first systematically administered to non-Indian alcoholics in order to explore a putative similarity between the so-called model psychosis and delirium tremens. Two independent undertakings along this line, one in the U.S. and one in Canada, resulted in highly unexpected and sudden "cures" (76).
Investigators in Saskatchewan pursued this serendipitous result aggressively. The outcome, with lately-evolved refinements in technique, has been an explicitly formulated "new concept" in psychotherapy (77). The following narrative, pieced together from Hoffer's statements at the Macy LSD conference, describes the conditions under which the rapid change phenomenon seems first to have occurred in sizeable numbers:

. . . we have what we call the "businessman's special," for very busy people, the weekend treatment.... They come in because the police or Alcoholics Anonymous or others bring them in. They come in on day one. They know they are going to take a treatment, but they know nothing about what it is. We take a psychiatric history to establish a diagnosis. That is on day one. On day two, they have the LSD. On day three, they are discharged.
Our objective [in using 200-400 gamma doses] is to give each patient a particular LSD experience.
The results are that 50 per cent of these people are changed [that is, they stop drinking or are much improved].... As a general rule . . . those who have not had the transcendental experience are not changed; they continue to drink. However, the large proportion of those who have had it are changed (78).


The only other investigators to report a "weekend treatment" are Ball and Armstrong (79). They describe a small series of "sex perverts," at least two of whom had had, over a number of years, "a variety of forms of psychotherapy, including psychoanalysis . . . [resulting in] no improvement whatever." The large-dose LSD experience, however, is said to have had "remarkable, long-lasting remedial effects" (80).
MacLean and his co-workers in British Columbia, Canada have reported on a series which included 61 alcoholics and 33 neurotics (personality trait disturbance and anxiety reaction neurosis) (81). Each patient was carefully and intensively prepared for the 400-1500 gamma, "psychedelic LSD-day"—which was jointly conducted by a psychiatrist, a psychologist, a psychiatric nurse, and a music therapist. Their follow-up data (median follow-up was for 9 months) were interpreted to yield a "much improved" or "improved" rating for over 90 percent of the neurotics and 60 percent of the alcoholics, with just under 50 percent of the alcoholics found at follow-up to have remained "totally dry" (82). The results of this single LSD session with the alcoholic cases seem most impressive, in view of the picture provided:

These were considered to be difficult cases; 59 had experienced typical delirium tremens; 36 had tried Alcoholics Anonymous and were considered to have failed in that program. The average period of uncontrolled drinking was 14.36 years. The average number of admissions to hospital for alcoholism during the preceding 3 years was 8.07 (83).


Since Hoffer's account, procedures in Saskatchewan have apparently been modified to incorporate considerable "psychotherapy"—as an adjunct to, and preparation for, the LSD experience. In a recent report, Jensen has described a greatly expanded treatment method and its results:

The treatment program includes three weekly A.A. meetings. The patients are strongly encouraged, but not forced, to attend. There are also 2 hours of group psychotherapy, in the course of which those who are not already familiar with the A.A. program are indoctrinated mainly by the other patients' discussion.... Because of the fairly short time available, the group therapy is superficial in nature and primarily educational.
Toward the end of hospitalization (which averaged 2 months), the patients were given an LSD experience. They routinely received 200 gamma of the drug.... (84)
Of 58 patients who experienced the full program, including LSD, and were followed up for 6 to 18 months, 34 had remained totally abstinent since discharge or had been abstinent following a short experimental bout immediately after discharge; 7 were considered improved, i.e., were drinking definitely less than before; 13 were unimproved; and 4 broke contact.
Of 35 patients who received group therapy without LSD, 4 were abstinent, 4 were improved, 9 were unimproved and 18 were lost to follow-up.
Of 45 controls, consisting of patients admitted to the hospital during the same period who received individual treatment by other psychiatrists, 7 were abstinent, 3 improved, 12 unimproved, and 23 lost to follow-up (85).


Among the reservations that might be expressed about Jensen's study, two are outstanding. First, there is some ambiguity about the assignment of patients to the different treatment conditions—it does not seem to have been entirely random. Second, Jensen's assumption that patients who broke or refused follow-up contact with the hospital staff are safely categorized, for statistical purposes, as "treatment failures" would seem somewhat overweening. At any rate, on his count, the difference in percentages of patients "abstinent or improved" between the "full program-LSD" group (41 out of 58, or 71 percent) and the "individual psychotherapy" group (10 out of 45, or 22 percent) was highly statistically significant.
The present "official policy" of the Saskatchewan Department of Public Health may be of interest. A recently issued document, which reviews the results of four such follow-up studies as Jensen's, concludes with the directive that the single, large-dose LSD treatment of alcoholism is to be considered "no longer as experimental," but rather, "to be used where indicated" (86).
There seem to have been only two efforts in the U.S. to explicitly and systematically follow the Canadian model. In quite different contexts, both are reported as at least "doing well." Leary and his co-workers at Harvard, over the last two years, have conducted a research and treatment program at Massachusetts Correctional Institution, Concord, "designed to test the effects of consciousness-expanding drugs on prisoner rehabilitation" (87). This undertaking, which emphasizes the crucial importance of drug-induced "far-reaching insight experiences" —prepared for, supported, and reinforced by group therapy sessions—has resulted in a recidivism rate considerably reduced from actuarial expectation. The number of post-treatment cases on which this evaluation is based, however, is only 26. The program is ongoing (88).
In a much more familiar setting, a group of workers on the West Coast has been treating the full range of garden-variety neuroses. The patients are intensively prepared over a two- to three-week period for a large-dosage, "transcendental" drug session. The stated intent is to induce a "single overwhelming experience . . . so profound and impressive that . . . the months and years that follow become a continuing growth process" (89). Thus far, in over 100 treated cases, at least "marked improvement" in the condition for which treatment was sought has been reported in about 80 percent—after one so-called overwhelming experience (90).
It is a commonplace that new psychiatric treatments seem to effect remarkable cures—at least for a short time and in the hands of their originators. In raising the spectre of the powerful placebo effect (91), it need hardly be pointed out that the results reviewed above should be regarded with healthy skepticism. On the other hand, they are more than merely trifling.

Explanatory Concepts
In addressing a recent international assemblage at Copenhagen, Leary asserted:

The visionary experience is the key to behavior change. [In its wake] change in behavior can occur with dramatic spontaneity . . . (92).


Van Dusen, who bids fair to become the psychologist-philosopher of the "new concept" movement, puts the issue as follows:

There is a central human experience which alters all other experiences . . . not just an experience among others, but . . . rather the very heart of human experience. It is the center that gives understanding to the whole.... It has been called satori in Japanese Zen, moksha in Hinduism, religious enlightenment or cosmic consciousness in the West.... Once found life is altered because the very root of human identity has been deepened . . . the still experimental drug d-lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) appears to facilitate the discovery of this apparently ancient and universal experience (93).


Although reminded on all sides of the incommunicableness of "the transport," as James called it, of its ineffability, one may, before following him in the descent toward "medico-materialistic" explanation, inquire further of its nature. James proffered the traditional demurrer ". . . it is probably difficult to realize [its] intensity unless one has been through the experience one's self . . ." (94). He then proceeded, with seeming aplomb, to describe it:

The central [characteristic] is the loss of all worry, the sense that all is ultimately well with one, the peace, the harmony, the willingness to be....
The second feature is the sense of perceiving truths not known before . . . insight into depths of truth unplumbed by the discursive intellect.... The mysteries of life become lucid ... illuminations, revelations, full of significance and importance, all inarticulate though they remain....
A third peculiarity . . . is the objective change which the world often appears to undergo. "An appearance of newness beautifies every object" . . . clean and beautiful newness within and without . . . (95).


In James' view, "melting emotions and tumultuous affections" were the constant handmaiden of "crises of change" (96). Also Benedict, in the context of the vision-quest, remarked on ". . . very strong affect, either ultimate despair or release from all inadequacy and insecurity" (97). Chwelos and his co-workers, describing the transcendental drug experience as "mainly in the sphere of emotions or feeling" (98), exemplify this by quoting an alcoholic patient:

I was swept by every conceivable variety of pleasant emotion from my own feeling of well-being through feelings of sublimity and grandeur to a sensation of ecstasy (99).


Finally now, turning from the poetry of phenomenal experience to medico-materialism, how did James approach the matter of explanation?

If you open the chapter on Association, of any treatise on psychology, you will find that a man's ideas, aims, and objects form diverse internal groups and systems, relatively independent of one another.... When one group is present and engrosses the interest, all the ideas connected with other groups may be excluded from the mental field.... Our ordinary alterations of character as we pass from one of our aims to another, are not commonly called transformations . . . but whenever one aim grows so stable as to expel definitively its previous rivals from the individual's life we tend to speak of the phenomenon and perhaps to wonder at it, as a "transformation."
Whether such language be rigorously exact is for the present of no importance. It is exact enough, to recognize from your own experience the fact which I seek to designate by it.
Now if you ask of psychology just how the excitement shifts in a man's mental system, and why aims that were peripheral become at a certain moment central, psychology has to reply that although she can give a general description of what happens, she is unable in a given case to account accurately for all the single forces at work.
In the end we fall back on the hackneyed symbolism of mechanical equilibrium. A mind is a system of ideas, each with the excitement it arouses, and with tendencies impulsive and inhibitive, which mutually check or reinforce one another.... A new perception, a sudden emotional shock . . . will make the whole fabric fall together, and then the center of gravity sinks into an attitude more stable, for the new ideas that reach the center in the rearrangement seem now to be locked there, and the new structure remains permanent (100).


More modern discussions of rapid personality change seem, in large part, to be variations on the theme of "melting emotions and tumultuous affections." There have been two relatively recent efforts to deal with rapid change associated primarily with conversion. Wallace, who attempted an heroic amalgam of Selye's "stress" theory and cultural anthropology, summed this up as follows:

. . . the physiologic events of the general adaptation syndrome [in situations of massive emotion] establish a physicochemical milieu in which certain brains can perform a function of which they are normally incapable: a wholesale resynthesis that transforms intellectual insight into appropriate motivation, reduces conflict by partial or total abandonment of certain values and acceptance of others, and displaces old values to new, more suitable objects (101).


Sargant has linked along an axis of abnormal "anger, fear, or exaltation" such "abrupt total reorientations" in personality as attend religious and political conversion experiences—as well as violent abreactions in therapy, spontaneous or narcosynthetic. His explanatory scheme derives directly from Pavlov—in the final analysis, sudden alterations in behavior are attributed to "paradoxical" and "ultraparadoxical" brain processes, and the like, induced by extreme emotion (102).
To return to LSD-related developments, Ditman and his coworkers have reviewed a whole range of considerations and theories which might "rationalize" the sudden change phenomenon—including a highly libidinized psychoanalytic formulation (103).
It remains to raise just one final query. Rapid personality change, translated into language more congenial to behavioral psychology, could be taken to describe a situation in which formerly dominant or high-probability responses, overt or mediational, were suddenly greatly reduced in frequency of occurrence; and, vice versa, uncommon responses, or those formerly low in a hierarchy, appear with greatly elevated frequency. The only experimental results which even approximate this order of events seem to be those which have arisen with the aid of direct intracranial electrical stimulation. With response-contingent reinforcement of this kind—that is, with electrical "trains" delivered to the hypothalamic, so-called pleasure or reward centers—the repertoires of many rats and monkeys have been dramatically altered in a very few moments: Utterly new behaviors have been shaped, old responses eliminated (104). The degree to which such "artificially induced" learning has been sustained has been a function, as with all behavior, of the ebb and flow of environmental contingencies. Thus, to point the issue: Do transcendental experiences at the human level, however they are interpreted, tread in this area of superreinforcement—with a potential for radically altering the probability of occurrence of "heuristic" mediating processes (for example, positive rather than negative self-concepts) which might channel behavior, at least temporarily, in new directions, toward a "new beginning"?


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


With Ruth Benedict's "Apollonian" Zuni, the tendency of the modern West is to regard paranormal experiences, indiscriminately and often with little idea of their nature, as "pathological"—to be distrusted, feared, avoided. The Zuni Indian, said Benedict, "finds means to outlaw them from his conscious life. . . . He keeps the middle of the road, stays within the known map, does not meddle with disruptive psychological states" (105). It would seem unfortunate were this Zeitgeist to unduly prejudice the exploration of therapeutic potential in the drugs here discussed.
In conclusion, let it be noted that the public health implications of drug-associated rapid personality change, should this phenomenon prove not to be a will-of-the-wisp, are apparently great. Intensive investigation would seem a reasonable order of the day. The procedures and time involved are manifestly economical—in truth, there seems little to be lost.




REFERENCES
1. The Varieties of Religious Experience New York: Modern Library, 1902; pp. 378-379.
2. S. Weir Mitchell, "The Effects of Anhelonium Lewinii (the Mescal Button)," Brit. Med. J. (1896) 2:1625-1629. Aldous Huxley, "Mescaline and the Other World," pp. 46-50, in Proceedings of the Round Table on Lysergic acid Diethylamide and Mescaline in Experimental Psychiatry, edited by Louis Cholden. New York: Grune & Stratton, 1956; see p. 47.
3. G. Tayleur Stockings, "Clinical Study of the Mescaline Psychosis with Special Reference to the Mechanisms of the Genesis of Schizophrenia and Other Psychotic States," J. Mental Science (1940) 86:29-47.
4. For example, see Max Rinkel, Editor, Chemical Concepts of Psychosis. New York: McDowell, Obolensky, 1958.
5. For example, see Harold A. Abramson, Editor, The Use of LSD in Psychotherapy: Transactions of a Conference. New York: Josiah Macy, Jr., Foundation Publications, 1960.
6. Max Rinkel, C. W. Atwell, Alberto DiMascio, and J. R. Brown, "Experimental Psychiatry, V: Psilocybin, a New Psychotogenic Drug," New England J. Med. (1960) 262:293-299. Stephen Szara, "Psychotomimetic or Mysticomimetic?," paper presented at NIMH, Bethesda, Md., Nov. 14, 1961.
7. For examples, see: Nicholas Chwelos, Duncan Blewett, Colin Smith, and Abram Hoffer, "Use of LSD-25 in the Treatment of Alcoholism," Quart. J. Studies on Alcohol (1959) 20:577-590. J. Ross MacLean, D. C. MacDonald, Ultan P. Byrne, and A. M. Hubbard, "The Use of LSD-25 in the Treatment of Alcoholism and Other Psychiatric Problems," Quart. J. Studies on Alcohol (1961) 22:3445. P. O. O'Reilly and Genevieve Reich, "Lysergic Acid and the Alcoholic," Diseases Nervous System (1962) 23:331-34.
8. For examples, see: Charles Savage, James Terrill, and Donald D. Jackson, "LSD, Transcendence, and the New Beginning," J. Nervous and Mental Disease (1962) 135:425-439. John N. Sherwood, Myron J. Stolaroff, and Willis W. Harman, "The Psychedelic Experience—A New Concept in Psychotherapy," J. Neuropsychiatry
(1962) 3:370_375.
9. C. H. Van Rhijn, "Introductory Remarks: Participants," in footnote 5; p. 14.
10. Gustav R. Schmiege, "The Current Status of LSD as a Therapeutic Tool—A Summary of the Clinical Literature," paper presented to the Amer. Psychiatric Assn., Toronto, Canada, May 8, 1962 (in press, New Jersey Med. Soc. J., 1963).
11. Harris Isbell, "Comparison of the Reactions Induced by Psilocybin and LSD-25 in Man," Psychopharmacologia (1959) 1:29-38. Harold A. Abramson, "Lysergic Acid Diethylamide (LSD-25): XXX, The Questionnaire Technique with Notes on Its Use," J. Psychology (1960) 49:57-65. A. B. Wolbach, E. J. Miner, and Harris Isbell, "Comparison of Psilocin with Psilocybin, Mescaline and LSD-25," Psychopharmacologia (1962) 3:219-223.
12. For examples, see: Max Rinkel, "Pharmacodynamics of LSD and Mescaline," J. Nervous and Mental Disease (1957) 125:424-426. T. J. Haley and J. Rutschmann, "Brain Concentrations of LSD-25 (Delysid) after Intracerebral or Intravenous Administration in Conscious Animals," Experientia
(1957) 13:199-200.
13. See Isbell, in footnote 11: p. 37.
14. For examples, see: Antonio Balestrieri and Diego Fontanari, "Acquired and Crossed Tolerance to Mescaline, LSD-25, and BOL148," Arch. General Psychiatry (1959) 1:279-282. Harris Isbell, A. B. Wolbach, Abraham Wikler, and E. J. Miner, "Cross-Tolerance Between LSD and Psilocybin," Psychopharmacologia (1961) 2:147-151.
15. T. W. Richards and Ian P. Stephenson, "Consistency in the Psychologic Reaction to Mescaline," Southern Med. J. (1961) 54:13191320.
16. Havelock Ellis, "Mescal, a New Artificial Paradise," pp. 537-548, in Annual Reports Smithsonian Institution, 1897; p. 547.
17. W. Mayer-Gross, "Experimental Psychoses and Other Mental Abnormalities Produced by Drugs," Brit. Med. J. (1951) 57:317-321; p. 318.
18. See Huxley, in footnote 2; pp 47-48.
19. From Albert Hofmann's laboratory report, translated and quoted in H. Jackson DeShon, Max Rinkel, and Harry C. Solomon, "Mental Changes Experimentally Produced by LSD," Psychiatric Quart. (1952) 26:33-53; p. 34.
20. Frank Barron, "Unusual Realization and the Resolution of Paradox When Certain Structural Aspects of Consciousness Are Altered," paper read at the Amer. Psychological Assn., New York, September, 1961.
21. E. Guttman and W. S. Maclay, "Mescaline and Depersonalization: Therapeutic Experiments," J. Neurol. Psychopath. (1936) 16: 193-212; p. 194
22. Translated from a subject's account in K. Beringer, Der Mcskalinrausch; Berlin, Springer. 1927; and quoted in Robert S. DeRopp, Drugs and the Mind. New York: Grove, 1957; p. 51.
23. Gregory Bateson, "Group Interchange," in footnote 5; p. 188.
24. Ronald A. Sandison, A. M. Spencer, and J. D. A. Whitelaw, "The Therapeutic Value of Lysergic Acid Diethylamide in Mental Illness," J. Mental Science (1954) 100:491-507; p. 498.
25. Electrophysiological investigations have shown definite alterations in firing at a number of points in the visual system (also in auditory evoked potentials) and in the functioning of cortico-cortical (transcallosal) connections. However, in concluding an extensive review of electrophysiological results, Evarts warned: ". . . it does not appear that we have reached the point of being able to assign any particular psychological effect . . . to a demonstrated disturbance of the electrical activity of the nervous system." See Edward V. Evarts, "A Review of the Neurophysiological Effects of LSD and Other Psychotomimetic Agents," Annals N. Y. Acad. Science (1957) 66:479495; p. 489. Speculation on this issue may best be tempered by consulting Evarts' most thoughtful summation and evaluation.
26. See footnote 16; p. 547.
27. See footnote 17; p. 319.
28. Paul H. Hoch, "Experimental Psychiatry," Amer. J. Psychiatry (1955) 111:787-790; p. 787.
29. For example, see A. Levine, Harold A. Abramson, M. R. Kaufman, and S. Markham, "Lysergic Acid Diethylamide (LSD-25) : XVI The Effect of Intellectual Functioning as Measured by the Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence Scale." J. Psychology (1955) 40:385-395.
30. Charles Savage, "The Resolution and Subsequent Remobilization of Resistance by LSD in Psychotherapy," J. Nervous and Mental Disease (1957) 125:434-436; p. 436.
31. Heinrich Kluver, Mescal: The Divine Plant and Its Psychological Effects. London: Kegan Paul, 1928; pp. 105-106.
32. See footnote 21; p. 195.
33. Humphry Osmond, "A Review of the Clinical Effects of Psychotomimetic Agents," Annals N. Y. Acad. Science (1957) 66:418-434; p. 419.
34. Aldous Huxley, The Doors of Perception. New York: Harper, 1954; pp. 73, 79.
35. Philip B. Smith, "A Sunday with Mescaline," Bull. Menninger Clinic (1959) 23:20-27; p. 27.
36. Audrey R. Holliday, "The Hallucinogens: A Consideration of Semantics and Methodology with Particular Reference to Psychological Studies," pp. 301-318, in A Pharmacologic Approach to the Study of the Mind, edited by R. Featherstone and A. Simon. Springfield, 111.: Thomas. 1959; p 301.
37. See footnote 17, p. 320, for a review of the findings of K. Zucker, Z. ges. Neurol. Psychiat. (1930) 127:108.
38. See footnote 31.
39. James S. Slotkin, Peyote Religion. Glencoe, III.: Free Press, 1956;; pp. 76-77.
40. Translated from Albert Hofmann's laboratory report, and quoted in "Discovery of D-lysergic Add Diethylamide—LSD ' Sandoz Excerpta (1955) 1:1-2: p. 1.
41. See footnote 40; p. 2. For the record, it may be noted not only that Hofmann recovered, and subsequently synthesized psilocybin, but that he has recently written of the use of "psychotomimetics" in psychotherapy: ". . . these substances are new drug aids which . . . enable the patient to attain self-awareness and gain insight into his disease." See Albert Hofmann, "Chemical, Pharmacological and Medical Aspects of Psychotomimetics," J. Exper. Med. Science (1961) 5:31—51 p. 48.
42. Translated from B. Manzini and A. Saraval, "L'intossicazione Sperimentale da LSD ed i Suoi Rapporti con la Schizofrenia, Riv. Sper. Freniat. (1960) 84:589; and quoted in Delysid (LSD-25), Annotated Bibliography, Addendum No. 3, mimeographed, Sandoz Pharmaceuticals, 1961; p. 307.
43. See footnote 33; p. 429.
44. In taking issue with the "psychotomimetic" label, it had best be emphasized that the present intent is hardly to transmit a cavalier attitude toward drug administrations; these are obviously potent agents. On the other hand, they are also apparently "safe" when used with reasonable precaution. For a survey of the outcome of 25,000 administrations, see Sidney Cohen, "LSD: Side Effects and Complications," J. Nervous and Mental Disease (1960) 130:30-40.
45. For example, see Joseph Zubin and Martin M. Katz, "Psychopharmacology and Personality," presented at the Colloquium on Personality Change, Univ. of Texas, Austin, Texas, March 9, 1962 (in press).
46. See footnote 28; p. 788.
47. Paul H. Hoch, "Remarks on LSD and Mescaline," J. Nervous and Mental Disease (1957) 125:442444; p. 442.
48. Paul H. Hoch, Solomon Katzenelbogen, and Herman C. B. Denber, "Group Interchange," in footnote 5; p. 58.
49. Sidney Malitz, "Group Interchange," in footnote 5; p. 215.
50. See footnote 19; p. 50.
51. Harold A. Abramson, "Some Observations on Normal Volunteers and Patients," pp. 51-54, in Proceedings of the Round Table on Lysergic Acid Diethylamide and Mescaline in Experimental Psychiatry, in footnote 2; see pp. 5253.
52. Ronald A. Sandison, "The Clinical Uses of LSD," pp. 27-34, in Proceedings of the Round Table on Lysergic Acid Diethylamide and Mescaline in Experimental Psychiatry, in footnote 2; see p. 33.
53. Anthony K. Busch and Walter C. Johnson, "LSD-25 as an Aid in Psychotherapy (Preliminary Report of a New Drug)," Diseases Nervous System (1950) 11:241-243; pp. 242-243.
54. Ronald A. Sandison, "Psychological Aspects of the LSD Treatment of the Neuroses," J. Mental Science (1954), 100:508-515; p. 514.
55. See footnote 24; p. 507.
56. Mortimer A. Hartman, "Group Interchange," in footnote 5; p. 115.
57. See footnote 20.
58. See Charles Savage, "Group Interchange," in footnote 5; pp. 193194.
59. Sidney Malitz, Harold Esecover, Bernard Wilkens, and Paul H. Hoch, "Some Observations on Psilocybin, a New Hallucinogen, in Volunteer Subjects," Comprehensive Psychiatry (1960) 1:8-17; p. 15.
60. See footnote 51; p. 52.
61. Robert W. Hyde, "Psychological and Social Determinants of Drug Action," pp. 297-312, in The Dynamics of Psychiatric Drug Therapy, edited by G. J. Sarwer-Foner. Springfield, III.: Thomas, 1960.
62. Ronald A. Sandison, 'Group Interchange," in footnote 5; p. 91. Any remaining skeptics on the score of expectation and attitude may want to take note of Cohen's caveat: "Invariably, those who take hallucinogenic agents to demonstrate that they have no value in psychiatric exploration have an unhappy time of it. In a small series of four psychoanalysts who took 100 gamma of LSD, all had dysphoric responses." See footnote 44; p. 32.
63. See footnote 34; p. 14.
64. Ralph Metzner, George Litwin, and Gunther Weil, "The Relation of Expectation and Setting to Experiences with Psilocybin: A Questionnaire Study," dittoed, Harvard Univ., 1963. Charles Savage, Willis Harman, James Fadiman, and Ethel Savage, "A Follow-up Note on the Psychedelic Experience," mimeographed, International Foundation for Advanced Study, 1963.
It may be noted that only slightly lower figures have been reported without explicit preparation of the subjects—though with an "atmosphere" that was enthusiastic and supportive. See Keith S. Ditman, Max Hyman, and John R. B. Whittlesey, "Nature and Frequency of Claims Following LSD," J. Nervous and Mental Disease (1962) 134:346352.
65. For example, see Jerome D. Frank, Persuasion and Healing: A Comparative Study of Psychotherapy. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press, 1961. More specifically, see Colin M. Smith, "Some Reflections on the Possible Therapeutic Effects of the Hallucinogens," Quart. J. Studies on Alcohol (1959) 20:292-301.
66. See footnote 10.
67. Alan W. Watts, This is IT. New York: Pantheon, 1960; p. 17.
68. Alan W. Watts, The Joyous Cosmology. New York: Pantheon, 1962.
69. Timothy Leary, "The Influence of Psilocybin on Subjective Experience," paper presented at NIMH, Bethesda, Md., May 29, 1962.
70. Aldous Huxley, Heaven and Hell. New York: Harper, 1956 p. 63.
71. See footnote l; pp. 213-222.
72. Ruth Benedict, Patterns of culture. New York: New American Library, 1934; pp. 72-73.
73. See footnote 72: pp. 74-75
74. Abraham H. Maslow, "Cognition of Being in the Peak Experience," J. Genetic Psychology (1959) 9S: 43-66.
75. See footnote 39.
76. Keith S. Ditman and John R. B. Whittlesey, "Comparison of the LSD-25 Experience and Delirium Tremens," Arch. General Psychiatry (1959) 1:47-57. Colin M. Smith, "A New Adjunct to the Treatment of Alcoholism: The Hallucinogenic Drugs," Quart. J. Studies on Alcohol (1958) 19:1931. By the way, the LSD experience and delirium tremens were found to be distinctly dissimilar in most respects.
77. See Sherwood and co-workers, in footnote 8.
78. Abram Hoffer, "Group Interchange," in footnote 5; pp. 59, 114-115.
79. J. R. Ball and Jean J. Armstrong, "The Use of L.S.D. 2S in the Treatment of the Sexual Perversions," Canadian Psychiatric Assn. J. (1961) 6:231-235. 80. See footnote 79; p. 234.
81. See MacLean and co-workers, in footnote 7.
82. A personal communication (1963) from J. Ross MacLean indicates sustained success in 270 additional postpublication cases of "psychedelic treatment."
83. See MacLean and co-workers, in footnote 7; p. 38.
84. The preparation of the subject and the conduct of the 12-hour session were patterned along the lines described by Blewett and Chwelos. See Duncan B. Blewett and Nicholas Chwelos, Handbook for the Therapeutic Use of Lysergic Acid Diethylamide-25, Individual and Group Procedures; to be published.
85. Sven E. Jensen, "A Treatment Program for Alcoholics in a Mental Hospital," Quart. J. Studies on Alcohol (1962) 23:315-320; pp. 317-319.
86. "Apparent Results of Referrals of Alcoholics for LSD Therapy," Report of the Bureau on Alcoholism, Saskatchewan Department of Public Health, Regina, Saskatchewan, Dec. 31, 1962; p. 5.
87. Timothy Leary, Ralph Metmer, Madison Presnell, Gunther Weil, Ralph Schwitzgebel, and Sara Kinne, "A Change Program for Adult Offenders Using Psilocybin," dittoed, Harvard Univ., 1962.
88. Timothy Leary, "Second Annual Report: Psilocybin Rehabilitation Project," dittoed, Freedom Center, Inc., 1963.
89. See Sherwood and co-workers, in footnote 8; p. 370.
90. See footnote 89 and Savage and co-workers in footnote 64.
91. See David Rosenthal and Jerome D. Frank, "Psychotherapy and the Placebo Effect," Psychol. Bull. (1956) 53:294-302.
92. Timothy Leary, "How to Change Behavior," pp. 50-68, in Clinical Psychology, XIV International Congress of Applied Psychology, Vol. 4, edited by Gerhard S. Neilsen; Copenhagen, Munksgaard, 1962; p. 58.
93. Wilson Van Dusen, "LSD and the Enlightenment of Zen," Psychologia (1961) 4:11-16; p. 11.
94. See footnote l; p. 242.
95. See footnote l; pp. 242-243.
96. See footnote l; p. 195.
97. See footnote 72; p. 78.
98. See Chwelos and co-workers, in footnote 7; p. 583.
99. See footnote 7; p. 584.
100. See footnote l; pp. 190-194.
101 Anthony F. C. Wallace, "Stress and Rapid Personality Changes," Internat. Record Med. (1956) 169: 761-774; p. 770.
102. William Sargant, Battle for the Mind: A Physiology of Conversion and Brain-washing. Garden City, N,Y.: Doubleday, 1957.
103. See Ditman and co-workers, in footnote 64.
104. For example, see Daniel E. Sheer, Editor, Electrical Stimulation of the Brain. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1961.
105. See footnote 72; p. 72.
Grateful acknowledgment is made of the substantial contributions of Miss Judith C. Marshall and the assistance of Mrs. Linda B. J. P. Moncure in the preparation of this paper.
* B.A. Antioch College, '53; M.A., '55; Ph.D., '60 Cornell Univ. U.S. Army (Criminal Investigation Division) '5G'56; Grant Foundation Fellow in Human Development '57-'58; Senior Fellow, Cornell Graduate School '58-'59; Chairrnan, Psychology Curriculum, Shimer College '59-'60; Rsc. Psychologist, Lab. of Psychology, NIMH '60—.